Help the over-50s work
part-time
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Donald Hirsch
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Monday 11th December
2000
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NS/Fabian
Society Second-Term Agenda - Help the over-50s work part-time. By Donald Hirsch
Labour's three social priorities in its first term have been work, work and
work. Whether you are young and on the dole, a lone parent or disabled, the
messages have been the same: work, if you can do it, is good for you; if you
can't find a job with decent pay, we'll pay you to take a low-wage one. Most
important, work is the best route out of poverty.
The results are impressive. A million more people in work; youth unemployment
shrinking; total claimant unemployment set to fall below a million for the
first time since the mid-1970s. All these trends are no more than an extension
of what had been happening under John Major, but some of Labour's attempts to
encourage more people to consider the option of working appear to be bearing
fruit. For the first time anyone can remember, the number of lone parents
without work is falling.
But are we in danger of becoming a nation of workaholics? We continue to labour
for more hours than other Europeans, despite the implementation of working time
regulations that forbid employers to make workers do more than a 48-hour week
(except when employees want to or when their bosses can think of a good reason
for making them do so).
To be fair, Margaret Hodge, a minister at the Department for Education and
Employment, has launched a "work/life balance campaign" this year to
persuade employers that being a slave-driver is in nobody's interest. More
tangibly, the working families tax credit has made it fruitful for parents to
take on part-time work, providing they do at least 16 hours a week.
Yet the present government has come nowhere near reversing one of the most
destructive trends in the organisation of work: the large-scale exclusion of
the over-50s. The promotion of "cool Britannia" and the advent of
three relatively youthful party leaders can have only intensified our apparent
quest for dynamic thirtysomething workaholics. Now 50-year-olds withdraw
quietly into a retirement that is likely to last about as long as their working
lives. (Just look at Chris Patten, who has ruled out a return to British
politics because he will be 60 when he finishes his present stint as a European
Commissioner.)
The result of this thinking is that one in three men aged between 50 and 65 is
not working, compared to one in six in 1980. During the 1990s, a man in this
age bracket became 20 per cent more likely to be out of the labour force, while
a woman aged 25-34 became 20 per cent less likely. Rejecting the over-50s will
become more damaging on an economic level, as the 1960s baby-boomers begin to
grey: by 2020, there will be two million fewer people in the 16-50 age group
and two million more who are over 50 but below state pension age.
A second-term agenda should put as much emphasis on a more rational
distribution of work as the first term put on work as a good in itself. This is
not simply a question of telling fiftysomethings to behave like 25-year-olds,
and making their employers treat them that way. True, if age discrimination
legislation finds its way on to the statute book, as seems likely, it will send
a strong message not to assume that someone's age determines whether they can
do a job. But older people are likely to benefit at least as much from new
opportunities to structure work around their own personal needs as from equal
access to a rigidly defined working world. Most importantly, they need more
options in between full-time work and full-time retirement.
One of the most absurd of all rules operated by the Inland Revenue forbids
employees from working part-time for an employer from whom they also draw an
occupational pension. This rules out the option of working fewer hours and
drawing a bit of pension to make up some of the earnings loss. Many schemes
further discourage downshifting because they base final pension calculations on
the grade and hours that were worked immediately before retirement. The Inland
Revenue has been reviewing its restrictions for several years. It should
abolish them forthwith and, at the same time, send a strong message to
employers by penalising schemes that do not treat downshifters fairly.
The government could go further. It has been willing to lure more parents into
the labour force by topping up their pay, where necessary, to the cost of
supporting a family. Similarly, it could make a contribution to help older
people remain part-time in the workforce without either their present income or
their final pension sinking below an acceptable level. One way would be to
match, pound for pound, any partial pension being drawn by those aged over 55 who
have reduced their earnings by working part-time.
The biggest objection to such a scheme would be that it could encourage some
workers to downshift prematurely. But we have already accepted the value of
top-up benefits for working families, which could also have this effect; we
should now give people new choices about the trade-off between paid work and
leisure or other activities. The support should be income-tested, helping to
correct the biggest injustice of the private pensions system - the skewing of
incentives to the rich by allowing them to claim back tax on their
contributions at the higher rate.
Most importantly, however, it would show that Tony Blair really means it when
he says that he wants to stop writing people off at 50 - a milestone that he
himself will reach two years into the next parliament.
This article is the second in a series, prepared by the NS and the
Fabian Society, on ideas for a second Labour term
© The Author © New Statesman Ltd. 2000. All rights reserved. Please contact the
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