| It's
  not just young mothers who want flexible working hours. So do the
  over-fifties - and unless we oblige them, we face crippling labour shortages.
  Donald Hirsch reports
 The debate about how late in our lives we should go on working has got into a
  terrible muddle. Twenty years ago, the talk was all of declining demand for
  labour, of redundancy and of retirement at 50. Today it is all about the
  pensions time bomb and the need to go on working until at least 70. Older
  workers, who once felt prematurely written off, now fear they will be made to
  work till they drop.
 
 We have missed the central point: exactly how can people in their fifties and
  sixties play a useful role, and achieve their own aspirations, in a society
  where being 60 no longer means being old? These age groups will become the
  most populous in the workforce as the age pyramid inverts. By the early
  2020s, nearly 9.5 million people will be in their fifties, compared with
  eight million in their forties and 8.5 million in their thirties. With people
  also entering work later and living longer, it has become clear that
  ever-earlier retirement (fewer than half of the male population now works to
  65) is not sustainable without drastic effects on pension levels.
 
 In fact, the trend towards earlier retirement, which lasted for much of the
  20th century, may already be over. The graph opposite shows that, while the
  proportion of men aged 50-65 who are not working remains nearly double what
  it was in 1979, employment is now rising much faster in this age group than
  for "prime age" workers. This has happened for women, too, in
  contrast to the 1980s when the over-fifties did not share in the rapid growth
  in female employment. So we should not wring our hands and imagine that
  unsustainable dependency ratios are inevitable. Rather, we should think about
  three crucial issues that arise from a likely trend towards a later average
  retirement age.
 
 The first issue is inequality. Research for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation
  confirms not only that occupation is the most important predictor of poverty
  in retirement but also that, for certain groups, the risk of poverty
  increases if they stop work in their fifties. A shorter working life allows
  fewer years to build up a pension.
 
 Moreover, though people have growing opportunities to work beyond full-time
  employment, these tend to favour the better-off. The Rowntree research found
  that nearly half of early leavers move into "bridge jobs" - into
  part-time, short-contract or self-employed work in a transitional period
  before full retirement. Educated professionals and managers get the plum
  deals here. Well-qualified men are most likely to make it in self-employment,
  the form of bridge job that yields the greatest job satisfaction.
 
 True, crude labour demand can help less-skilled older workers. In the US jobs
  boom of the 1990s, unskilled older people took up what were known as
  "fairground jobs" - casual, grotty work - and started to become
  what unskilled young people used to be: the last dregs in the labour reservoir.
  But this does not address a fundamental problem that has fed the decline in
  grey labour: a disillusion with the world of work. People who feel their
  talents are not appreciated can become surly, reluctant workers, which makes
  them even less appreciated. The research shows that once people become fed up
  with work, financial or other incentives to stay in the labour market can
  carry little weight. Finland, the only country that has made a serious
  assault on age discrimination, has tried to combine better occupational
  health with changes in the workplace that help older people. In such
  campaigns, giving fortysomethings positive goals and allowing them to
  continue to progress in a career structure can be as important as supplying
  an ergonomic office chair.
 
 The second issue concerns what older workers should actually do. One kind of
  answer comes from the past. People who had become less productive in their
  career jobs were hired by the same organisation to do something different.
  Business executives and politicians were "kicked upstairs" into
  positions where their direct responsibilities decreased, but where they were
  still at hand to give wise counsel. Manual workers became park keepers or
  nightwatchmen with duties no more specific than "keeping an eye on
  things". When local authorities became more cost-conscious, would-be
  park keepers drifted on to incapacity benefit. Labour efficiency increased -
  and so did the quantity of graffiti sprayed on the swings and park benches.
 
 We are unlikely to return to a world where older workers' intangible
  contributions allow them to remain in jobs that cannot be justified on strict
  economic grounds. But we can still redeploy and retrain people. For example,
  young recruits to nursing are drying up. Yet a Rowntree study of older NHS
  nurses revealed an astonishing lack of thought by employers about how to keep
  them working. Even a modest amount of training to help older nurses learn
  about new technology and procedures, or some well-publicised opportunities
  for less physically demanding jobs, would help.
 
 The most successful third-age workers will be those who can take their
  working lives into their own hands. So it will be as important to learn how
  to handle new working relationships (negotiating contracts; selling your
  services) as it is to learn new technical skills. Some older workers are
  setting up their own local networks to spread such skills - for example, the
  East Midlands "Experience Works!" network. The aim is to build
  self- confidence among the over-forties. Having others your own age around
  you can count for a lot: a 50-year-old sitting next to a 20-year-old to learn
  computer skills dreads being shown up.
 
 The third issue concerns how, among the over-fifties, work relates to the
  rest of their lives. More than one in three people in their fifties is a
  grandparent; many still have dependent children of their own; a fifth
  classify themselves as "unpaid carers", typically of ageing
  parents. Research on why people leave work at this stage of life shows that
  domestic factors play a critical role. Few employers encourage the part-time
  working that many older workers would like.
 
 One consequence is that working carers are being put under immense strain,
  often doing two full-time jobs, one paid and one at home. These strains will
  increase if declining pension values force more people to stay in work longer
  without part-time or flexible working options.
 
 If this ultimately causes a reduction in the amount of unpaid care on offer,
  the consequences for the Exchequer could be catastrophic.
 
 The new-found public respect, in theory, for the "work-life
  balance" has focused overwhelmingly on the needs of parents with young
  children. This is partly because it's probably easier to tell colleagues that
  you're leaving work early to pick up a toddler from playgroup than to say
  you're going to change your mother's incontinence pads. But it is also to do
  with government priorities. For example, legislation that obliges employers
  at least to consider requests for part-time working applies only to parents of
  children under six.
 
 
 
 The government has promised to legislate against age discrimination by 2006.
  This will mean much more than stopping employers putting "over-forties
  need not apply" on job ads. Most significantly, it will become illegal
  for an employer to force you to retire just because you have reached 60 or
  65. Yet on its own, it will not cause older workers to be better regarded,
  nor will it improve their incentives to stay in work. And to raise the state
  pension age to 70 would simply favour the better-off groups again, because
  they tend to start work later, to have more chances of staying in work, and
  to live longer after 70. To many who are being edged out of the labour market
  in their fifties, a higher official retirement age would not mean working
  longer, but waiting longer for a pension after leaving work.
 
 So the only real solution is to make work more friendly to people as they
  grow older, through more flexible hours and employment terms, better training
  throughout working life, and better conditions in workplaces. The stakes are
  high, for employers as well as employees. Ultimately, such improvements could
  be the only way of securing the supply of labour.
 
 Donald Hirsch is a special adviser to the Joseph Rowntree
  Foundation. His report Crossroads after Fifty: improving choices
  in work and retirement is published by the foundation on 2 December
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